WASHINGTON — In the world of big-dollar political donors, Imaad Zuberi is notable less for the scale of his giving than for its baldly transactional nature. A supporter of President Barack Obama and then Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign who frequently posted pictures of himself alongside high-profile politicians, Mr. Zuberi, a California venture capitalist, abruptly pivoted after Donald J. Trump’s victory.
Telling friends he needed to act quickly to balance out his political connections if he hoped to maintain access, he donated more than .1 million to committees associated with Mr. Trump and the Republican Party in the three months after the 2016 election.
It seemed to work. Mr. Zuberi scored coveted invitations to a pair of black-tie dinners celebrating Mr. Trump’s inauguration. In the process, he posted photos of himself with the president, as well as Mr. Trump’s first chief of staff, Reince Priebus, and Mr. Trump’s picks for Treasury secretary, Steven Mnuchin; housing and urban development secretary, Ben Carson; and defense secretary, Jim Mattis.
But the biggest donation of his postelection flurry — 0,000 paid by Mr. Zuberi’s California firm, Avenue Ventures, to Mr. Trump’s inaugural committee — is now being scrutinized by federal prosecutors in the Southern District of New York as part of what appears to be an escalating investigation into the inauguration and its financing.
On Monday, the prosecutors served a subpoena on the inaugural committee, demanding it turn over records detailing its finances, including all donations and expenditures, as well as perks like photo opportunities and V.I.P. receptions offered to major donors. Mr. Zuberi and Avenue Ventures were the only donors named in the subpoena.
The subpoena focused particularly on foreign money, which inaugural committees are legally prohibited from accepting. It requested records related to donations “made by or on behalf of foreign nationals,” and the committee’s procedures for preventing such donations.
Mr. Zuberi is an American citizen. The subpoena does not state the nature of prosecutors’ interests in Mr. Zuberi or his company.
His spokesman, Steve Rabinowitz, said the money Mr. Zuberi donated to the inaugural fund was “all his money, his personal money, certainly not foreign money.” Mr. Zuberi “has no business with the U.S. government, and there is nothing that the U.S. government can be particularly helpful to him with,” Mr. Rabinowitz added.
In an interview, Mr. Zuberi said that his donations were “more of a networking thing,” intended mostly to help him meet people who could help with a New York real estate investment fund.
“To open doors, I have to donate,” he said. “It’s just a fact of life.” He added, “Not only did it not yield any business, but it actually backfired,” because of the attention he has received since his donation was cited in the subpoena.
But Mr. Zuberi’s activity around the time of the inauguration suggests that he quickly came into contact with a variety of people in Mr. Trump’s orbit, some of whom, according to associates briefed on the conversations, discussed business opportunities with him.
In the month after the election, Mr. Zuberi posted a photo on Facebook with Mr. Trump’s incoming national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn, a few days before Mr. Zuberi indicated on Facebook that he traveled to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.
Mr. Rabinowitz said his client merely bumped into Mr. Flynn at Trump Tower, and asked to take a selfie. “There was no meeting with Mike Flynn,” Mr. Rabinowitz said.
Mr. Zuberi said he briefly discussed the possibility of doing business with a pair of top Trump fund-raisers — Michael D. Cohen, Mr. Trump’s former personal lawyer and fixer, and Elliott Broidy, a California investor. Mr. Zuberi said his discussion about business opportunities with Mr. Broidy took place last year.
Those conversations never progressed beyond the initial stages, according to Mr. Zuberi, who said he and Mr. Cohen discussed a Manhattan real estate venture, while he and Mr. Broidy discussed an artificial intelligence start-up.
Nonetheless, prosecutors asked Mr. Cohen about his dealings with Mr. Zuberi after Mr. Cohen pleaded guilty late last year to a range of crimes, and agreed to cooperate with various investigations. Mr. Cohen has spent more than 70 hours with investigators with the Manhattan prosecutors and the office of the special counsel investigating Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election, Robert S. Mueller III. Mr. Mueller referred the case to the New York prosecutors.
The federal investigation by prosecutors in Manhattan is different from one taking place in Brooklyn, where federal prosecutors are also examining inaugural officials and other entities that supported Mr. Trump.
The inaugural committee was led by a longtime friend of Mr. Trump’s, Thomas J. Barrack Jr., who raised a record 7 million for the festivities. A memo drafted for Mr. Barrack’s investment company, Colony, shortly after the inauguration showed a plan by the firm to capitalize on ties to the president “while avoiding any appearance of lobbying.”
The memo’s existence was first reported by ProPublica. A spokesman for Colony said in a statement that the memo was “simply an outline of a proposed potential business plan,” and that it was “never acted upon or implemented.” The statement put the blame for the plan on Rick Gates, who was Mr. Barrack’s right-hand man for the inauguration. Mr. Gates has pleaded guilty to conspiracy and lying to investigators and is cooperating with the special counsel.
The subpoena to the inaugural committee also asks for records related to the tech company Stripe, which processed payments by donors to the inaugural fund, including credit card transactions.
Based in San Francisco, Stripe is registered with the Treasury Department as a money services business, and by law is required to keep an eye out for and report suspicious transactions. Most such businesses have highly automated programs designed to spot unusual transactions.
For instance, if a donor listed a residence in Texas, but used a credit card that had been issued overseas, Stripe’s compliance officers might have raised questions about the true source of the funds.
The subpoena asks for communications between the inaugural committee and Stripe. It is not clear whether Stripe received a separate subpoena for its transaction or reporting records related to the inaugural fund. The company declined to comment.
One of Stripe’s investors, Thrive Capital, is controlled by Josh Kushner, the younger brother of Jared Kushner, Mr. Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser. But there is no indication that investigators are interested in that connection.
The scrutiny of the inaugural committee underscores the degree to which the investigations surrounding Mr. Trump, once centered on potential ties to Russia’s meddling in the 2016 presidential election, have expanded and splintered into multiple inquiries touching on a wide range of topics, including his business, his campaign, his inauguration and his presidency.
Mr. Rabinowitz said Mr. Zuberi “has never been contacted by the special counsel’s office or by any U.S. attorney’s office and has no knowledge of any of them having ever inquired about him.”
Mr. Zuberi’s donations were channeled through Caroline Wren, a veteran Republican fund-raiser who worked for the committee that funded the 2016 Republican National Convention in Cleveland, to which Mr. Zuberi donated 0,000 in January 2017 — months after the convention — according to Mr. Rabinowitz.
Ms. Wren, who did not respond to requests for comment, also was Mr. Zuberi’s point of contact for his inaugural donation.
He was rewarded during the inaugural festivities with a seat at an elite candlelight dinner next to the Turkish foreign minister, Mevlut Cavusoglu. Mr. Zuberi said that he received 10 tickets to the dinner, and that while he could not remember if he gave one of them to Mr. Cavusoglu, he had been acquainted with the foreign minister before the dinner because he was pursuing a business project in Turkey.
At another dinner, for foreign diplomats in Washington, Mr. Zuberi was assigned a seat at a table to be headed by Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas, and including Howard Lorber, a New York business executive close to Mr. Trump, as well as diplomats from Cambodia, Cameroon and Bahrain, where Mr. Zuberi’s private equity funds have had big investments. (A spokesman for Mr. Cornyn later said the senator did not end up attending the dinner.)
A photo from the event shows Mr. Zuberi in conversation with Mr. Trump and other guests.
Mr. Zuberi’s company, Avenue Ventures, manages private equity funds but also often acts as a consultant or intermediary for investors. It has had offices in China and Dubai, United Arab Emirates, and its funds have reportedly invested in real estate in India and a resort in Bahrain. It has listed as advisers retired Gen. Wesley K. Clark, a Democratic presidential candidate in 2004, and Richard G. Olson, who was the ambassador to Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates.
Executives who do business in the Persian Gulf and a person close to Mr. Zuberi said his firm had done business or sought investments in several gulf kingdoms, including Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, as well as in Turkey.
Maintaining visible access to the highest levels of American government has become an essential tool of Mr. Zuberi’s private equity business, two people close to him said. His company often oversees investments in infrastructure or other projects requiring government contracts or approval in the United States or more often abroad, and his high-profile American contacts create an appearance of influence that he uses to court investors and business partners.
In at least one case, his habit of trading on his political connections has veered into acting as an agent for a foreign government. In 2015, the scandal-plagued government of Sri Lanka paid a total of .5 million to Mr. Zuberi and another company linked to him, for services that appear to have included seeking to influence the American government, the magazine Foreign Policy reported. Mr. Zuberi belatedly registered as a consultant to the government of Sri Lanka, as required by law under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
The Clinton presidential campaign was nonetheless eager for his donations. In November 2015, the campaign staff sent its chairman, John D. Podesta, a memo summarizing the Foreign Policy article in preparation for a meeting with Mr. Zuberi in Los Angeles.
“Thank him for his support of the campaign,” the memorandum reminded Mr. Podesta — in one of several Clinton campaign documents made public by WikiLeaks. “Imaad was one of the first donors to contribute to the Hillary Victory Fund this week (our joint fund-raising committee with the D.N.C.).”
Mr. Zuberi, who contributed 5,000 of his own money to Mrs. Clinton’s campaign, also raised 0,000 from other donors, according to the memo.
He conceded that it was not ideal that those with significant wealth could donate it to gain access to elected officials in a manner that those with less money could not.
“That’s just fortunately or unfortunately how it works,” he said. “We don’t have the perfect system, but we probably have the best system in the world.”B:
【闻】【言】，【几】【人】【全】【都】【沉】【默】【下】【来】，【他】【们】【现】【在】【哪】【里】【还】【有】【家】【了】，【他】【们】【的】【家】【早】【就】【被】【别】【人】【抢】【走】【了】。 【一】【息】【之】【间】【从】【高】【高】【在】【上】【的】【少】【爷】【变】【成】【了】【人】【人】【喊】【打】【的】【地】【主】【家】【的】【小】【崽】【子】，【住】【牛】【棚】，【和】【猪】【抢】【食】【吃】，【被】【逮】【到】【就】【要】【被】【暴】【打】【一】【顿】，【还】【要】【跪】【在】【所】【有】【人】【面】【前】【挂】【着】【牌】【子】【游】【街】。 【可】【只】【要】【能】【活】【着】，【总】【能】【熬】【到】【翻】【身】【的】【那】【一】【天】。 【可】【现】【在】，【他】【们】【突】【然】【迷】【茫】【了】，
【好】【像】【在】【一】【条】【黑】【色】【的】【河】【流】【里】，【水】【流】【很】【急】，【她】【随】【着】【流】【水】【快】【速】【涌】【动】，【点】【点】【银】【光】，【发】【散】【着】【星】【辰】【般】【的】【光】【芒】。 【哔】..【哔】..【的】【仪】【器】【声】【响】【着】，【林】【乐】【月】【缓】【缓】【睁】【开】【了】【眼】【睛】。 【她】【看】【着】【上】【方】【的】【白】【色】【天】【花】【板】，【鼻】【端】【嗅】【到】【了】【医】【院】【的】【消】【毒】【水】【味】，【轻】【叹】【了】【一】【声】。 【她】【真】【的】【回】【来】【了】。 【听】【到】【轻】【叹】【声】，【一】【旁】【沙】【发】【上】【在】【玩】【手】【机】【的】【女】【子】【抬】
【小】【擎】【扁】【着】【嘴】【问】，“【林】【阿】【姨】，【妈】【妈】【为】【什】【么】【跟】【那】【位】【叔】【叔】【走】【啊】？” 【林】【佳】【书】【也】【不】【知】【道】【该】【怎】【么】【跟】【她】【解】【释】，【毕】【竟】【这】【是】【连】【她】【自】【己】【也】【不】【清】【楚】【的】【事】【情】。 【她】【沉】【思】【了】【会】【儿】，【最】【后】【只】【是】【说】【道】：“【阿】【姨】【也】【不】【是】【很】【清】【楚】，【可】【能】【你】【妈】【妈】【跟】【那】【位】【叔】【叔】【有】【事】【情】【要】【商】【量】【吧】，【等】【她】【回】【来】，【你】【自】【己】【问】【问】【她】【好】【吗】？” “……” 【小】【擎】【又】【闷】【闷】【不】【乐】【的】【低】【下】【了】
【发】【了】【发】【了】【发】【了】！ 【新】【书】【发】【了】！ 《【最】【终】【余】【晖】》！ 【发】【了】！双色球开奖时间直播“【不】，【不】【是】，”【季】【承】【业】【震】【惊】：“【什】【么】【叫】【你】【猜】【到】【了】？” 【穆】【义】【坦】【诚】：“【平】【时】【哪】【怕】【月】【底】【加】【班】【连】【轴】【转】，【她】【也】【总】【会】【睡】【前】【刷】【一】【次】【手】【机】【确】【认】【是】【否】【有】【重】【要】【消】【息】。” 【数】【天】【不】【回】【复】【微】【信】，【事】【出】【反】【常】【必】【有】【妖】。 【基】【于】【她】【和】【顾】【惟】【省】【这】【么】【多】【年】【磕】【磕】【碰】【碰】【的】【感】【情】【经】【历】，【穆】【义】【大】【概】【能】【猜】【到】【她】【许】【是】【遇】【见】【了】【什】【么】【麻】【烦】。 【只】【不】【过】【如】【今】【他】【的】【身】【份】，【不】
【草】【棚】【的】【帘】【子】【再】【次】【掀】【开】，【一】【名】【约】【莫】【四】【五】【十】【岁】，【身】【材】【魁】【梧】【不】【过】【脸】【色】【有】【些】【蜡】【黄】【的】【中】【年】【男】【子】【走】【了】【出】【来】。 【男】【子】【似】【乎】【有】【伤】【病】【在】【身】，【边】【走】【边】【咳】【嗽】【了】【几】【声】，【看】【到】【杜】【飞】【等】【三】【人】【的】【穿】【着】【打】【扮】【愣】【了】【愣】【脸】【色】【一】【时】【惊】【疑】【不】【定】。 “【孩】【子】【他】【爹】，【他】【们】【说】【是】【来】【打】【听】【铁】【手】……” 【中】【年】【妇】【女】【上】【前】【一】【步】【扶】【住】【男】【子】【的】【身】【体】【有】【些】【忧】【虑】【的】【开】【口】，【不】【过】【还】【没】【说】【完】
【方】【颜】【看】【着】【自】【己】【的】【妈】【妈】【穿】【着】【美】【丽】【的】【婚】【纱】，【一】【脸】【幸】【福】【的】【样】【子】，【感】【觉】【自】【己】【非】【常】【的】【开】【心】。【她】【手】【中】【捧】【着】【花】，【慢】【慢】【走】【到】【对】【方】【面】【前】，【看】【着】【欧】【阳】【叔】【叔】【和】【方】【女】【士】【相】【互】【交】【换】【了】【戒】【指】。 【虽】【说】【今】【日】【的】【宴】【席】【排】【场】【并】【不】【大】，【不】【过】【是】【简】【单】【的】【亲】【朋】【好】【友】，【但】【是】【比】【起】【虚】【伪】【应】【付】【的】【场】【面】，【显】【然】【大】【家】【面】【上】【的】【祝】【福】【是】【方】【女】【士】【最】【想】【看】【到】【的】。 【不】【过】【欧】【阳】【钰】【的】【表】【情】【却】
【宁】【西】【暗】【叹】【一】【口】【气】，“【我】……【不】【走】。【不】【过】【你】【不】【准】【伤】【害】【我】【的】【朋】【友】。【我】【现】【在】【出】【去】【让】【飞】【机】【走】，【可】【以】【吗】？” 【雅】【各】【仔】【细】【观】【察】【着】【她】【的】【每】【一】【丝】【表】【情】，【不】【敢】【漏】【掉】【一】【分】，【她】【说】【的】【是】【真】【的】【吗】？【她】【真】【的】【会】【留】【下】【吗】？ 【不】！【她】【一】【定】【是】【骗】【人】【的】！【雅】【各】【不】【相】【信】【有】【人】【会】【这】【么】【傻】，【傻】【到】【放】【弃】【逃】【跑】【的】【机】【会】。 【他】【拖】【着】【宁】【西】【来】【到】【了】【门】【口】，【只】【见】【那】【巨】【大】【的】【花】【园】